Monday, July 23, 2007

New Anfield



LIVERPOOL FC are to unveil a new planning application to make their stadium the biggest in the Premiership.

If approved, the 80,000-capacity ground might not be open until nearly 2010.

The Reds are planning to reveal changed blueprints for the stadium to city planners on July 25.

They will showcase a 60,000 cap-acity stadium, with the design able to accommodate a 20,000 extension later.

Liverpool’s new billionaire owners are keen to push the Reds’ total event-ual capacity to close to 80,000.

If that went ahead, the new Anfield would be bigger than the Old Trafford home of rivals Manchester United, which holds 76,000.

09/05: Taming of the shrew

Category: General Posted by: Raja Petra
THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin



“Watch Mahathir very closely today,” said the caller on the other end of the line. Hmm, this is really intriguing, thought Tengku Tan Sri Razaleigh Hamzah to himself. To Tengku Razaleigh, popularly know as Ku Li to friends and foes alike, when it is one phone call it is mere rumour, and probably not worth a second take. But this was the third caller within a day saying the same thing. This must therefore be more than rumour.

What was going on and what is Mahathir going to do that warrants close scrutiny? And this was not going to be the last phone call that day. Certainly something is in the air. But what? Why must these callers be so mysterious about what is brewing? Ku Li just hates in when someone tells half a story. What can be more irritating than someone telling you that he or she is keeping a secret about a certain person or incident but is not able to divulge what that secret is? Why not just say nothing? Why reveal that you are trustee to a secret but this secret must remain untold?

Sheesh! That’s all he needs to make his day. Nevertheless, whatever it is that Mahathir is going to do that day, whatever rabbit he may be planning to pull out of his hat, it must certainly be related to Umno’s 56th anniversary celebration that night at the Stadium Merdeka, the site where the First Prime Minister and Father of Independence, Tunku Abdul Rahman, proclaimed Independence from Britain to an exuberant and ecstatic crowd. 11 May 1946 was when Umno was formed and they were going to celebrate Umno’s anniversary that night in a grand and probably final ceremony with Mahathir as Prime Minister.

Actually, Umno’s anniversary celebration that night was of no real significance. If it was the 25th, 50th, 75th or 100th anniversary, then that would be something to shout about. But a 56th anniversary was neither here nor there. It is definitely not Umno’s anniversary that was the main focus here. It was the fact that this would be the last anniversary that Mahathir graces as Prime Minister, his last hurrah before he hands over the reins to his anointed successor.

Yes, Mahathir would be leaving later this year. At last year’s Umno General Assembly, in mid-2002, Mahathir had shocked the entire nation by announcing his resignation. Umno did not know about it. His own family did not know about it. Some say even Mahathir himself did not know about it.

What spurred Mahathir to suddenly announce his resignation? There was no rhyme or reason for this. As the Malays would say: tiada angin, tiada rebut, tahu-tahu pokok bergoyang. For what appears to be no apparent reason he had suddenly lost control of his faculties and announced he was leaving the scene while trying very hard, but unsuccessfully, to hold back his tears. 22 years is a long time. In fact, it was more like 50 years if you consider his service with Umno prior to taking the top slot in the party. After half a century one does not just leave without any emotions whatsoever, even for a ‘hard’ man like Mahathir. As Shakespeare wrote in ‘Romeo and Juliet’, parting is such sweet sorrow.

But was the parting sweet? Sorrowful, there was no doubt. But the tears that Mahathir shed that day were not tears of joy. It was most definitely of sorrow. And the parting would be most bitter for it was not done willingly but under duress. What prompted him to take that final plunge? This was not planned, was it? It could not have been planned when his most ardent fan, Rafidah Aziz, was so taken aback that she broke the high heels of her designer shoes in her bid to be the first to Mahathir’s side. “What will happen to us?” screamed Rafidah, as if Gabriel himself was about to take her away. Yes, what would happen to us? What happens to you is of no consequence. It is us that matter. And if you leave us, we will suffer.

Yes, that’s right, Mahathir is full of surprises. Ku Li has learnt this by now. He learnt this a long time ago. After all, is it not said that one must know one’s adversary to be able to defeat him. And an adversary he certainly was. Ku Li suspects that sometimes Mahathir even surprises himself. What more others? And tonight, Sunday, 11 May 2003, could be another such surprise. But things happen so fast. In a flick of the eyelid it could all be over. It requires full concentration and a bird’s eye view of the entire scene to grasp the full picture.

Mahathir’s sudden and shocking announcement in 2002 is a case in point. All eyes were on Mahathir. The cameras were on Mahathir. Mahathir was the focus. Mahathir was the apex. Mahathir was the centre of the entire universe as far as all and sundry in the hall, plus those following the proceedings at home, were concerned. But Ku Li was not watching Mahathir. You do not watch the obvious to catch the magician’s trick. He wants you to watch his right hand. The right hand is where the trick will be performed. But to catch the magician you must watch his left hand. That is the hand that will really be performing the trick.

While all eyes were on a most distraught Mahathir, Ku Li stole a glance at Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. Abdullah always needs a few seconds to react. He is slightly slow on the take. Okay, maybe he is very, very slow on the take. But then you can’t blame him. He is after all an ulamak. And ulamaks do not sleep. They stay awake at night prostrating to God for hours on end. Sleep is beautiful. But sacrificing sleep in the way of the Lord is more beautiful. So Abdullah gets very little sleep. He gets very little sleep because the Lord comes first. So he needs to catch up on lost sleep whenever he can. And that whenever would be all day long. And that day in mid-2002 he was catching up on lost sleep as usual. He of course got rudely awoken from slumber with all the wailing and heel-breaking going on. It took him seconds to come to realisation. But seconds is all one needs. When it finally dawned on him what had transpired, when realisation that Mahathir had just resigned set in, Abdullah broke out into a most satisfied smile. Ku Li noticed this as you would notice Miss Malaysia strolling topless down Bintang Walk.

Abdullah suddenly regained his composure. One must never take Mahathir’s resignation with glee. It is not something that should be celebrated. It is a calamity. It is a catastrophe. It is something which we should pray to the Lord would never happen. Abdullah quickly came back to his senses. He did the proper thing that should be done. He exclaimed shock and awe and rushed to Mahathir’s side to escort him backstage where they could work on him to change his mind and retract his resignation. But heaven forbid he would actually do that. They need Mahathir to retract his resignation as much as they need a bullet in the head. It is just that this is something that must be staged for appearances sake. It is the politically correct thing to do. It was Malay political wayang kulit or shadow play at its best.

Mahathir’s resignation in 2002 was actually already long overdue. It had been planned as far back as 1995. According to the schedule, he would resign in 1997. That was the plan. But in 1997 there was a needling problem called Anwar Ibrahim. This thorn in the side must first be removed. But he must be removed the Malay way, like removing a strand of hair from flour, as the Malays would say. The intruding hair must be eliminated but the flour must not be spilled. It must not be Kung Fu. It must be Tai Chi. It is not brute force against brute force. It is using the moves of your opponent against him. It is allowing your adversary to make that most fatal and final thrust and that thrust becomes his own downfall. So, in 1997, it did not happen. Mahathir did not resign. He had matters to sort out first.

But, in 1995, Umno was split into two. It had been since 1988 when it divided like an amoeba into Umno Baru and Semangat 46. Was it Mahathir’s fault? Was it Ku Li’s doing? That is no longer material. The horse has bolted and no longer can one lock the stable door. One can, of course, but it would be futile. The rice has already turned to porridge, the Malays would say. Mahathir and Ku Li can argue till the cows come home as to who should bear the blame. But this will not undo what has been done. One can’t turn back the clock. Time gone is time lost. It can never be brought back. The clock cannot be reversed. Instead, they focused on how to right the wrong, notwithstanding who must be blamed for that wrong.

Mahathir and Ku Li discussed Malay unity. They discussed restoring the declining fortunes of Umno. They discussed what the future held for the nation. They discussed how one and all could, again, shelter under one umbrella. And it was agreed that there must be a resurgence of Malay unity and solidarity. Malaysia is too small. The Malays are too few. There is no room for three Malay parties. There must be only one. But PAS does not regard itself as Malay. It is an Islamic party, bellow the PAS leaders. So PAS will have to wait. Maybe one day. Maybe in time PAS and Umno can come together as they once were. After all, PAS was Umno in times gone by. PAS was the result of the ultra-nationalists rejecting the calls of the ultra-religionists to introduce more Islamic programs into a yet to be independent Malaya. But that would be drastic. The Chinese were with the Chin Peng led MCP. The British were still undecided as to whether to give Malaya independence. It has to be not only nationalism, but multi-racial as well. That and only that can guarantee Malaya independence, followed by peace and stability thereafter.

So the ultra-religionists left Umno to set up a parallel party called the Pan-Malayan Islamic Party or PMIP. This later became the Islamic Party of Malaysia or PAS. But its roots were Umno. But that was so long ago. That was two generations ago. PAS may have emerged as a splinter to Umno. That was then. Today that no longer holds true. But this is not the case with Semangat 46. It is still a splinter of Umno. It was set up with an objective to restore Umno. But there are two such parties. The only thing that separates the two is their names. The names are mere cloaks. Remove the cloak and you would be hard-pressed to tell one from the other. And it is not two generations like PAS. It may be too late in the day for PAS. But Semangat 46 is still attainable. Semangat 46 and Umno Baru can again be what they once were; a body of Malays with one mind.

That was in 1995. And in May 1996, exactly seven years ago thought Ku Li to himself, Semangat 46 was wound up and almost all its members rejoined Umno en bloc, save for a handful who decided to call it day and ride off into the sunset and into retirement. And with that a new power equation was planned. In time to come new personalities would walk through the corridors of power. However, as time had shown, as had been proven over and over again, man proposes but God disposes. Tomorrow never came. What should have been the year that Anwar Ibrahim exited and Ku Li takes over never saw the light of day. Instead, 1997 became the year that the Asian Financial Crisis swamped Malaysia’s shores. And, to add to Mahathir’s problems, that was also going to be the year that Anwar ousts him to deny Ku Li the throne and instead grab it for himself.

It was impossible for Mahathir to go now, not with what was happening in the country. If he exited, then they would say Anwar won. Mahathir had been pushed out. If he exited, then they would say Mahathir is a rat deserting a sinking ship, a country in financial crisis. He had no choice in the matter. Sure, 1997 was when Mahathir would hand the reins of power to Ku Li. 1997 was when Ku Li would walk through the corridors of power. But they did not know then that 1997 would also be when the Asian Financial Crisis would scuttle these plans. 1997 would no longer be possible. It would have to be delayed. The financial crisis would have to be sorted out first. Anwar would have to be taken care of first. And, in the meantime, Ku Li would have to twiddle his thumbs and bide his time.

But that was in 1997. That was when the Asian Financial Crisis and Anwar Ibrahim were matters of concern. But those are all now water under the bridge. In 2002, Mahathir had announced his resignation. He said then he would go in 2003. Well, 2003 is already upon us. Why is Mahathir still sitting pretty? Why has Mahathir not started clearing his table? Why is he acting like he will be staying on for some time to come. Abdullah was getting restless. Daim was getting even more restless. Maybe Mahathir needs some persuading. In that case then, persuasion was in order. Tonight would probably be it, Ku Li thought long and hard. Tonight he is to watch Mahathir. That is what the many callers told him. But watch him for what? What was going to happen tonight? What trick does Mahathir have up his sleeve? Never mind. He will get the answer to this soon enough. It is only a few hours more anyway. He had waited this long to take the seat of the Prime Minister of Malaysia. A couple more hours will not kill him.

The announcement by the master-of-ceremonies, Mahadzir Lokman, reverberated through the stadium. This was the highlight of Umno’s anniversary celebration that 11 May 2003. The party Secretary-General, Khalil Yaacob, was to bring two kerises to the VIP box. Mahathir and Abdullah took an upright position in anticipation. Mahathir was to take the longer seven-curve keris and cut the yellow rice cake to symbolise the 56th anniversary of Umno’s coming into being. Abdullah would then take the shorter five-curve keris and do the same. Mahathir unsheathed the keris and stabbed the yellow rice cake. But he did not withdraw it. He left it in the yellow rice cake as one would an enemy that must be given a lingering and painful death. Hmm, this is most unusual, Ku Li muttered to himself. Now it was Abdullah’s turn. But how is Abdullah going to perform his ritual? Mahathir’s keris is still in the cake. Would Abdullah remove it first before stabbing his keris into the cake? Abdullah was spared his dilemma. He did not have to figure out what would have been a most complex problem for a man with Abdullah’s limited mental capacity. Mahathir turned round, and with has back to Abdullah, he grabbed the shorter five-curve keris and stabbed it into the yellow rice cake alongside the other keris still imbedded.

Abdullah was stumped. This was not what was supposed to happen. This was not the game plan. How many noticed this that night? How many realised that what the master-of-ceremonies had earlier announced was not what happened. Ku Li realised. He also realised that this is what the caller earlier today had asked him to observe. Did Mahathir fumble? Did Mahathir forget the game-plan? Was Mahathir getting forgetful with age? No, this was no accident. More than three callers had phoned that day to warn Ku Li that something would happen that night. Without a doubt this was what was supposed to happen. Mahathir was as cool as a cucumber. He did not hurry. He was not flustered. Abdullah could not grasp the situation. What happened? That was his keris. Why did Mahathir deny him his keris?

Ku Li turned his head to the right to glance at his caller who had earlier told him this would happen. Ku Li did not need to say anything. His lips hardly moved. The caller was seated way above the VIP box and too far away to hear him anyway. Words were not possible. Words were not required. The caller’s and Ku Li’s eyes locked. That was all that was required. This was worth a thousand words. The twinkle in Ku Li’s eyes said it all, “So this is what you were telling me to watch out for.” The caller broke into a smile. It was a weak smile. It would not even have been noticed as a smile unless you were waiting for it. And the smile was in response. The message in the smile was, “Didn’t I tell you so?”

The next announcement from the master-of-ceremonies came. Mahathir and Abdullah would step into the middle of the stadium to embark on a horse-and-carriage ride around the stadium and take a bow. Mahathir coolly descended the steps of the stadium. He hesitated halfway and turned back to beckon his wife, Dr Siti Hasmah, to follow suit. Siti Hasmah obediently traced the steps of her husband. And they both ascended the carriage that was reserved for the Prime Minister and his anointed successor, the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia. And the carriage drove off leaving Abdullah at a loss as to what he was doing in the middle of the stadium.

Mahathir can talk for hours on end. And he can stand all this while without the benefit of a chair, even today. But he can also say nothing. In times like this it is not what he says but what he does not that counts. A rhetorical Mahathir is a sight to behold. But a Mahathir of a few words is more dangerous. His noisy bark is deafening. But his silent bite is fatal. And when he stops barking is when he is most dangerous. That would mark when he is about to bite. And Abdullah heard this message loud and clear that night. There were no words that night of course. Not a single word was uttered. But the message was louder than if words had been uttered. Abdullah was not it. Abdullah would not be his successor as what Daim had demanded.

Sure, Abdullah had been appointed the Deputy Prime Minister as what Daim had wished. But this was Daim’s wish. And what Daim wished was law. Daim was now in charge. The Asian Financial Crisis had hit Malaysia’s shores. Anwar Ibrahim was making his final move to cast Mahathir aside. One is enough to finish off Mahathir. Both are overkills and guaranteed to not only bury Mahathir but bury him deep. And Daim was this White Knight. Daim would save Malaysia. Daim would save Mahathir. But it came with a price, a very heavy price. Mahathir would appoint Abdullah as the Deputy Prime Minister. Then Mahathir would go soon after. Then Abdullah would take over. Then Abdullah would appoint Khalil as his Deputy Prime Minister.

But Mahathir’s moves that night sent a clear message to all and sundry. This would not happen. He would not go and hand over the reins to Abdullah. Abdullah and Khalil would not be walking through the corridors of power. Daim’s puppets would not be installed on the throne. Mahathir had other plans. And these plans did not include Daim, Abdullah or Khalil. Daim must now go back to the drawing board. Mahathir is not that easy to push out after all. They need a coup, a political coup. They must do to Mahathir what Anwar did six years before that. Daim went to work. Abdullah went to work. Abdullah’s son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, went to work.

Khairy flew to Singapore to talk to the powers-that-be in that Island Republic. Horse trading was in order. Singapore needed sand. It needed sand very badly to reclaim the Singapore coastline and increase the land area of that Island State two and half times its present size. Sure, Malaysia would supply them this much needed sand. Mahathir, of course, would not. Mahathir had banned the export of sand to Singapore way back in 1997 when he found out that the previous Johor Menteri Besar was fast becoming one of the richest Malays in the country just by selling sand to Singapore. So Mahathir needed to be ousted. Mahathir needed to be ousted if Singapore wants its sand. And it will take a lot of money to oust Mahathir.

Khairy brought back RM200 million from Singapore. Daim topped up the figure in many multiples. Each Menteri Besar and Chief Minister was generously paid with amounts ranging from RM3 million to RM12 million depending on the size of their state and the number of divisions they controlled. Then the Cabinet Ministers were handsomely rewarded. Now Daim and Abdullah had all the key personalities in their pockets. This was how Anwar ousted Ghaffar in the early days. This was how Anwar tried to oust Mahathir in 1997. This was how Daim ousted Anwar in 1998. This is also how they were going to remove Mahathir in 2003. Mahathir can grab both kerises and stab them into the yellow rice cake. He can even drive off in the horse-and-carriage with his wife by his side while leaving Abdullah fumbling in the middle of the stadium. These are mere symbolic gestures. These are meant to deliver a message. But Daim’s message is more potent. Daim’s message is: go or die. Daim had all who matter in his pocket. They have all been bought with hundreds of millions of ringgit.

And with that Mahathir had no choice but to comply. His resignation had been planned. The succession had been planned. And they will diligently follow the plan. Mahathir realised he no longer had too much choice in the matter. What he wants is insignificant. What Daim wants is. Cowards die many times before their deaths. But then, those who fight and run away live to fight another day. Which adage does one follow? Mao said, when the enemy pursues, retreat. When the enemy stops to rest, counterattack. So the enemy pursued. So he retreated. And, on 1 November 2003, Abdullah took over as Malaysia’s new Prime Minister. But now the enemy is resting. No, it is sleeping, not merely resting. So it is now time to counterattack. If it worked for Mao, it can work for Mahathir.

But how will the counterattack come? And when will it come? How does Ku Li fit into this whole scheme of arrangements? Is the 1995 deal still on? Was closing down Semangat 46 in May 1996 all in vain? Most importantly, though, has the shrew finally been tamed? Oh, and one more unanswered question: how come Najib Tun Razak instead of Khalil got appointed as Abdullah’s deputy?

Yes, questions and still more questions. Well, maybe another time, when I am in the mood, you will get the answers to these questions. Till then, stayed tuned!

Footnote: The title “Taming of the shrew” was ‘stolen’ from a famous 1960 production by the Royal Shakespeare Company starring Peter O’Toole and Peggy Ashcroft. And for the uninitiated, ‘shrew’ means: battle-axe, calumniator, adversary, archenemy, detractor, etc.

23/07: Minyak bulan Ogos

Category: General Posted by: Raja Petra
DARI JELEBU

Hishamuddin Rais



Pada 30hb Ogos 2005 dahulu harga minyak telah melintasi 80 dolar satu tong. Bulan Ogos 2007 ini nampaknya lonjakan kenaikan harga bahan bakar petrol ini sedang berulang lagi. Semasa saya menulis ini, harga minyak telah mencecah 76 dolar satu tong.

Trend ini berlaku kerana beberapa perkara. Musim panas di hemisfera utara menambahkan penggunaan minyak yang tinggi. Lebih banyak kereta-kereta bergerak di jalan raya kerana percutian di musim panas. Penggunaan alat penghawa dingin juga memerlukan pertambahan tenaga bahan bakar ini.

Tetapi ada satu lagi perkara yang masih belum disedari oleh umum atau tidak mahu disedari umum. Perkara ini ialah semakin berkurangnya bahan bakar minyak yang dapat dibeli di pasaran dunia. Inilah sebab utama di mana semenjak tahun 2005 dahulu hingga ke hari ini harga bahan bakar petroleum tidak pernah surut ke bawah 50 dolar setong.

Hari ini penggunaan bahan bakar ini masih lagi di tahap kira-kira 84 juta tong sehari. Permintaan tahun demi tahun semakin bertambah. Negara seperti China dan India semakin banyak mengeluarkan kereta untuk kegunaan domestik. Semua ini memerlukan bahan bakar.

Hari ini statistik menunjukkan di negara China ada 70 buah kereta untuk seribu warga. Di India mungkin sedikit kurang. Manakala di Eropah 680 buah kereta dan di Amerika ada 860 buah kereta untuk 1000 warga. Apa akan terjadi apabila bertambahnya keinginan warga negara China atau India untuk memiliki kereta persendirian.

Pertumbuhan ekonomi di China akan memastikan yang permintaan domestik perlu di selesaikan. Bulan Ogos 2007 ini, China telah menjadi negara ke-3 terbesar sebagai pengeluar automobil. China telah menundukkan Jerman. Manakala Amerika dan Jepun masih di tangga teratas. Dengan pertumbuhan ekonomi yang lebih dari 11% setahun, China hari ini telah berjaya mengeluarkan 7 juta automobil manakala Jerman hanya berjaya mengeluarkan 5.8 juta

China pula bukan negara pengeluar minyak. Pada tahun 2020 telah diramalkan yang China perlu mengimport 60% bahan bakar petroleum untuk keperluan negara. Ini perlu dibeli, dicari dan digali oleh China di pasaran terbuka dunia. Rentetan pertumbuhan ekonomi seperti ini akan memastikan harga minyak terus naik.

Di dalam kes bahan bakar minyak, ianya tidak dapat dikaji dengan menggunakan teori klasik permintaan-pengeluaran. Biasanya jika banyak pengeluaran maka harga akan merudum. Jika pengeluaran kurang maka harga akan naik. Apabila harga naik ianya akan menjemput bertambahnya pengeluaran. Dalam kes minyak, teori klasik - supply and demand - tidak boleh dipakai. Ini kerana bahan bakar minyak ini akan terus menerus berkurangan tanpa mengikut arus permintaan. Permintaan akan terus bertambah tanpa bertambah pengeluaran.

Agensi-agensi berita pada minggu lalu telah memetik laporan National Petroleum Council Amerika yang menyatakan bahawa pengeluaran minyak di dunia telah merosot 1.2 juta tong sehari berbanding dengan pengeluaran pada bulan Julai 2005. Ini berdasarkan statistik rasmi dari pentadbiran George Bush.

Laporan dari NPC ini juga telah mengumpulkan data dari 12 syarikat gergasi minyak dunia yang meramalkan bahawa syarikat-syarikat ini hanya berupaya mengeluarkan minyak sebanyak 105-110 juta tong sehari pada tahun 2030. Jumlah yang diramalkan ini adalah 11% lebih rendah dari 118 juta tong sehari yang diperlukan. Laporan yang akan menakutkan ini telah diterima oleh Setiausaha Tenaga Amerika Samuel Brown.

Satu tahun dahulu negara kita telah merasakan bahang kenaikan harga minyak. Kenaikan ini telah menjadi heboh. Ada yang mengatakan bahawa kenaikan ini tidak patut. Ada yang menuntut agar harga ini diturunkan. Dan ada yang meminta agar subsidi minyak perlu ditambah.

Apabila harga bahan bakar naik bermakna semua harga barang-barang akan naik. Ini kerana minyak adalah bahan asas yang mengerakkan sistem ekonomi. Dalam ekonomi pasaran bebas mengongkong harga akan membawa bencana yang besar. Subsidi juga bukanlah jawapan kepada krisis tenaga yang sedang dan akan kita hadapi ini. Malah subsidi minyak akan menempangkan perjalanan ekonomi.

Cakap-cakap dari pihak kerajaan untuk membawa satu perubahan gaya hidup masih jauh dari dapat direalisasikan. Memang betul, saya ternampak ada pertambahan bas-bas di dalam kota Kuala Lumpur. Saya tidak tahu apakah ada juga pertambahan bas-bas pengangkutan awam di pekan dan bandar-bandar lain. Mungkin ada dan mungkin tidak. Ini kerana saya tidak ada terbaca apa-apa laporan tentang hal ini di media.

Dasar penambahan bas awam ini untuk saya adalah langkah yang tepat tetapi hanya langkah sementara. Apa yang diperlukan adalah satu dasar sistem pengangkutan awam yang menyeluruh. Setiap pekan kecil dan kampung perlu dijaringkan oleh sistem pengangkutan awam. Ini untuk menjimatkan kos pengangkutan. Penggunaan kereta persendirian ini adalah perbuatan yang paling tidak ekonomik dan membazir. Pembakaran petrol untuk sebuah kereta dengan seorang pemandu adalah pembaziran. Bahan bakar yang sama - sebuah kereta satu pemandu - boleh mengangkut lima atau enam orang penumpang.

Membina dan menggunakan jaringan sistem pengangkutan awam sebanyak mungkin adalah satu contoh ‘mengubah gaya hidup’. Lari dari sistem pembaziran kepada sistem yang lebih kemas, tersusun dan ekonomik. China, Malaysia, India atau negara-negara lain yang berniat hendak mengikut gaya hidup Amerika atau meneruskan gaya hidup seperti hari ini, perlu berfikir sekali lagi. Jika gaya hidup Amerika menjadi kiblat, maka kita memerlukan empat buah lagi planet bumi untuk menampung keperluan bahan bakar. Ini satu harapan yang mustahil kerana kita hanya memiliki sebuah bumi.

Kini timbul khabar-khabar angin dan kenyataan terbuka dari pelbagai jenis/bentuk individu yang menyatakan bahawa jika minyak petrol habis kita memiliki biodiesel sebagai gantinya. Kita juga boleh menggantikan petrol dengan minyak soya, ethonol, butanol atau alkohol dari tebu. Ini sebenarnya dongeng. Tebu, sawit, soya dan semua bentuk tanaman memerlukan baja. Baja adalah hasil sampingan dari petroleum.

Persoalan akan timbul, apakah tanah subur di bumi ini hanya akan digunakan untuk menanam tebu, sawit dan soya? Bagaimana dengan makanan yang lain. Apakah semua bahan tanaman untuk dijadikan makanan kereta? Kini, krisis telah mula timbul dan didengar di Amerika Latin akibat dari tanah-tanah yang semakin banyak digunakan untuk menanam soya. Soya ini bukan untuk dimakan tetapi untuk dijadikan bahan bakar.

Justeru, semua cakap-cakap tentang adanya gantian kepada bahan bakar petrol ini hanyalah cerita-cerita dongeng. Dongeng ini terus ditaburkan oleh syarikat pembuat automobil. Mereka ini ingin terus menjual kereta walhal mereka juga sedar bahan bakar petrol ini telah susut dan berkurangan.

Tamadun kita hari ini ialah tamadun petroleum. Sama seperti tamadun zaman batu, zaman gangsa, zaman arang - semuanya berakhir. Apabila zaman batu berakhir tidak semestinya batu tidak wujud lagi. Apabila zaman arang berakhir tidak bererti arang telah tidak ada lagi. Begitu juga dengan zaman petroleum, ia akan berakhir tetapi petroleum masih ada saki-bakinya di perut bumi tetapi untuk mendapatkannya telah menjadi begitu susah dan tidak ekonomik.

NOTA : Sila ambil perhatian, satu permulaan untuk mengubah cara hidup ialah dengan menggunakan basikal.

Tunggang Basikal Anda (TUBA) akan memulakan kempen untuk menaikkan kesedaran berbasikal. Pada petang Jumaat 27 Julai 2007 ini semua pembaca/peminat laman web dan blog di jemput datang ke Pasar Seni a.k.a. Central Market dengan membawa basikal. Berkumpul di hadapan Pasar Seni pada jam 6.00. Kemudian kita semua akan berbasikal dan bercanda-canda mengelilingi kota Kuala Lumpur seperti yang telah dilakukan oleh datuk, nenek, ayah dan emak kita satu ketika dahulu. Tinggalkan kereta di rumah dan selamatkan bahan bakar minyak petrol. Bersama kita ubah cara hidup.

APJ Abdul Kalam

It was meant to be a celebration of excellence in journalism. The Ramnath Goenka award ceremony was a gathering of the country's power elite: top politicians, captains of industry, cerebral editors, page three shakers and the humble pen and mike pushers. The editors and proprietors were debating the eternal dilemmas of journalism: the relationship between journalistic excellence and business success. That's when President APJ Abdul Kalam intervened and spoke of the urgent need for the media to nation-build. Nothing profound, but said with a simplicity of intent. Then, even before the editors could respond, the President came up and sat cross-legged on the edge of the stage as a stunned audience watched. The president of India was literally sitting at the feet of the country's media denizens.


The next morning as the photo was splashed in the newspapers, my ten year old daughter looked at me quizzically, "Why is the president kneeling in front of you" Isn't he the president of the country"" In her question was a mix of awe and wonderment. It was also a reminder of just how Kalam had changed the presidency, and just why he will be missed when his term ends next week.

In this aspirational age, President Kalam is more than just another middle class hero: he symbolizes the hopes and ambitions of an emerging India, a new age guru for a new India.

Nor is Kalam a khadi-clad hermit in an ashram, but rather uniquely someone who has the hairstyle of a rock star and the mind of a scientist, making him as attractive to new India as he is to the old. That he isn't simply some professional seminarist preaching rural development in a vacuum, but is a tech-savvy individual who has his own website makes him someone who can bridge the generational divide that is seen to burden a country still coming to terms with modernity.


Indeed, it's the very eccentricities of Kalam that have been his strength, imbuing the office of the presidency with a human touch that has been missing in the past. Dr Rajendra Prasad carried the legacy of a freedom fighter; Dr S Radhakrishnan and Zakir Hussain the weight of academia. In Kalam's India, it became about the novelty and excitement of a herbal garden, of flying a Sukhoi, of being in submarine or sharing a meal with jawans in Siachen.

In the end, Kalam's real charm perhaps lay in the fact that he seemed impatient with the conventions of high office. Undoubtedly, in his own race to Raisina, he may have played the power game. Some have even accused him of being a great pretender. But the fact is that once he was president, Kalam seemed to not give a hang about power and pelf. No adoring family hung about him, he wore the same shabby bandgala to every function, the superbly eccentric hairstyle remained constant , as did the bright-eyed urgent and detailed expositions about this or that highly important welfare scheme that had caught his attention.Which is why, as Pratibha Patil gets ready to take over as President, she has a hard act to follow. Will she sit cross legged on the ground, like her predecessor, and dive into a lively debate on journalistic ethics"


(This article first appeared in Hindustan Times)